Subject:
������ GENERAL PATTON'S WARNING
� Date:
������ Tue, 7 May 2002 21:15:30 ‑0700
� From:
������ "Bob Jones" <[email protected]>
��� To:
������ "dragonslayer" <[email protected]>
FOR ALL It is a review of Gen. George S. Patton's views about what was going on in Europe immediately after
the war had ended...It confirms that Eisenhower, a Jew, was doing the bidding of the Jews and using the
Morganthau plan to destroy Germany...The fact that the Jewish Press in America was determined to
destroy Patton is proven here, and is more confirmation that a Jewish plan
was in being to destroy Germany entirely....
An interesting note here also, is the fact that the soldier that Patton had slapped was a Jew....and accounts for his
running scared
http://www.jeffsarchive.com/Jews%20and%20Communism/General%
20Patton's%20Warning.html
GENERAL PATTON'S WARNING
At the end of World War II, one of America's top military leaders
accurately assessed the shift in the balance of world power which that
war had produced and foresaw the enormous danger of communist
aggression against the West. Alone among U.S. leaders he warned that
America should act immediately, while her supremacy was
unchallengeable, to end that danger. Unfortunately, his warning went
unheeded, and he was quickly silenced by a convenient "accident"
which took his life.
Thirty‑two years ago, in the terrible summer of 1945, the U.S. Army had
just completed the destruction of Europe and had set up a government of
military occupation amid the ruins to rule the starving Germans and deal
out victors' justice to the vanquished. General George S. Patton,
commander of the U.S. Third Army, became military governor of the
greater portion of the American occupation zone of Germany.
Patton was regarded as the "fightingest" general in all the Allied forces.
He was considerably more audacious and aggressive than most
commanders, and his martial ferocity may very well have been the
deciding factor which led to the Allied victory. He personally commanded
his forces in many of the toughest and most decisive battles of the war: in
Tunisia, in Sicily, in the cracking of the Siegried Line, in holding back
the
German advance during the Battle of the Bulge, in the exceptionally
bloody fighting around Bastogne in December 1944 and January 1945.
During the war Patton had respected the courage and the fighting
qualities of the Germans ‑‑ especially when he compared them with those
of some of America's allies ‑‑ but he had also swallowed whole the hate‑
inspired wartime propaganda generated by America's alien media
masters. He believed Germany was a menace to America's freedom and
that Germany's National Socialist government was an especially evil
institution. Acting on these beliefs he talked incessantly of his desire to
kill as many Germans as possible, and he exhorted his troops to have the
same goal. These bloodthirsty exhortations led to the nickname "Blood
and Guts" Patton.
It was only in the final days of the war and during his tenure as military
governor of Germany ‑‑ after he had gotten to know both the Germans
and America's "gallant Soviet allies" ‑‑ that Patton's understanding of
the true situation grew and his opinions changed. In his diary and in
many letters to his family, friends, various military colleagues, and
government officials, he expressed his new understanding and his
apprehensions for the future. His diary and his letters were published in
1974 by the Houghton Mifflin Company under the title The Patton
Papers.
Several months before the end of the war, General Patton had recognized
the fearful danger to the West posed by the Soviet Union, and he had
disagreed bitterly with the orders which he had been given to hold back
his army and wait for the Red Army to occupy vast stretches of German,
Czech, Rumanian, Hungarian, and Yugoslav territory, which the
Americans could have easily taken instead.
On May 7, 1945, just before the German capitulation, Patton had a
conference in Austria with U.S. Secretary of War Robert Patterson. Patton
was gravely concerned over the Soviet failure to respect the demarcation
lines separating the Soviet and American occupation zones. He was also
alarmed by plans in Washington for the immediate partial demobilization
of the U.S. Army.
Patton said to Patterson: "Let's keep our boots polished, bayonets
sharpened, and present a picture of force and strength to the Red Army.
This is the only language they understand and respect."
Patterson replied, "Oh, George, you have been so close to this thing so
long, you have lost sight of the big picture."
Patton rejoined: "I understand the situation. Their (the Soviet) supply
system is inadequate to maintain them in a serious action such as I could
put to them. They have chickens in the coop and cattle on the hoof ‑‑
that's their supply system. They could probably maintain themselves in
the type of fighting I could give them for rive days. After that it would
make no difference how many million men they have, and if you wanted
Moscow I could give it to you. They lived on the land coming down. There
is insufficient left for them to maintain themselves going back. Let's not
give them time to build up their supplies. If we do, then . . . we have had
a
victory over the Germans and disarmed them, but we have failed in the
liberation of Europe; we have lost the war!"
Patton's urgent and prophetic advice went unheeded by Patterson and
the other politicians and only served to give warning about Patton's
feelings to the alien conspirators behind the scenes in New York,
Washington, and Moscow.
The more he saw of the Soviets, the stronger Patton's conviction grew
that the proper course of action would be to stifle communism then and
there, while the chance existed. Later in May 1945 he attended several
meetings and social affairs with top Red Army officers, and he evaluated
them carefully. He noted in his diary on May 14: "I have never seen in any
army at any time, including the German Imperial Army of 1912, as severe
discipline as exists in the Russian army. The officers, with few exceptions,
give the appearance of recently civilized Mongolian bandits."
And Patton's aide, General Hobart Gay, noted in his own journal for May
14: "Everything they (the Russians) did impressed one with the idea of
virility and cruelty."
Nevertheless, Patton knew that the Americans could whip the Reds then ‑
‑ but perhaps not later. On May 18 he noted in his diary: "In my opinion,
the American Army as it now exists could beat the Russians with the
greatest of ease, because, while the Russians have good infantry, they
are lacking in artillery, air, tanks, and in the knowledge of the use of the
combined arms, whereas we excel in all three of these. If it should be
necessary to right the Russians, the sooner we do it the better."
Two days later he repeated his concern when he wrote his wife: "If we
have to fight them, now is the time. From now on we will get weaker and
they stronger."
Having immediately recognized the Soviet danger and urged a course of
action which would have freed all of eastern Europe from the communist
yoke with the expenditure of far less American blood than was spilled in
Korea and Vietnam and would have obviated both those later wars not to
mention World War III ‑‑ Patton next came to appreciate the true nature
of the people for whom World War II was fought: the Jews.
Most of the Jews swarming over Germany immediately after the war came
from Poland and Russia, and Patton found their personal habits
shockingly uncivilized.
He was disgusted by their behavior in the camps for Displaced Persons
(DP's) which the Americans built for them and even more disgusted by
the way they behaved when they were housed in German hospitals and
private homes. He observed with horror that "these people do not
understand toilets and refuse to use them except as repositories for tin
cans, garbage, and refuse . . . They decline, where practicable, to use
latrines, preferring to relieve themselves on the floor."
He described in his diary one DP camp, "where, although room existed,
the Jews were .crowded together to an appalling extent, and in practically
every room there was a pile of garbage in one corner which was also used
as a latrine. The Jews were only forced to desist from their nastiness and
clean up the mess by the threat of the butt ends of rifles. Of course, I
know the expression 'lost tribes of Israel' applied to the tribes which
disappeared ‑‑ not to the tribe of Judah from which the current sons of
bitches are descended. However, it is my personal opinion that this too is
a lost tribe ‑‑ lost to all decency."
Patton's initial impressions of the Jews were not improved when he
attended a Jewish religious service at Eisenhower's insistence. His diary
entry for September 17, 1945, reads in part: "This happened to be the
feast of Yom Kippur, so they were all collected in a large, wooden
building, which they called a synagogue. It behooved General Eisenhower
to make a speech to them. We entered the synagogue, which was packed
with the greatest stinking bunch of humanity I have ever seen. When we
got about halfway up, the head rabbi, who was dressed in a fur hat
similar to that worn by Henry VIII of England and in a surplice heavily
embroidered and very filthy, came down and met the General . . . The
smell was so terrible that I almost fainted and actually about three hours
later lost my lunch as the result of remembering it."
These experiences and a great many others firmly convinced Patton that
the Jews were an especially unsavory variety of creature and hardly
deserving of all the official concern the American government was
bestowing on them. Another September diary entry, following a demand
from Washington that more German housing be turned over to Jews,
summed up his feelings: "Evidently the virus started by Morgenthau and
Baruch of a Semitic revenge against all Germans is still working. Harrison
(a U.S. State Department official) and his associates indicate that they
feel German civilians should be removed from houses for the purpose of
housing Displaced Persons. There are two errors in this assumption. First,
when we remove an individual German we punish an individual German,
while the punishment is ‑‑ not intended for the individual but for the race,
Furthermore, it is against my Anglo‑Saxon conscience to remove a person
from a house, which is a punishment, without due process of law. In the
second place, Harrison and his ilk believe that the Displaced Person is a
human being, which he is not, and this applies particularly to the Jews,
who are lower than animals."
One of the strongest factors in straightening out General Patton's
thinking on the conquered Germans was the behavior of America's
controlled news media toward them. At a press conference in
Regensburg, Germany, on May 8, 1945, immediately after Germany's
surrender, Patton was asked whether he planned to treat captured SS
troops differently from other German POW's. His answer was: "No. SS
means no more in Germany than being a Democrat in America ‑‑ that is
not to be quoted. I mean by that that initially the SS people were special
sons of bitches, but as the war progressed they ran out of sons of bitches
and then they put anybody in there. Some of the top SS men will be
treated as criminals, but there is no reason for trying someone who was
drafted into this outfit . . ."
Despite Patton's request that his remark not be quoted, the press
eagerly seized on it, and Jews and their front men in America screamed in
outrage over Patton's comparison of the SS and the Democratic Party as
well as over his announced intention of treating most SS prisoners
humanely.
Patton refused to take hints from the press, however, and his
disagreement with the American occupation policy formulated in
Washington grew. Later in May he said to his brother‑in‑law: "I think that
this non‑fraternization is very stupid. If we are going to keep American
soldiers in a country, they have to have some civilians to talk to.
Furthermore, I think we could do a lot for the German civilians by letting
our soldiers talk to their young people."
Various of Patton's colleagues tried to make it perfectly clear what was
expected of him. One politically ambitious officer, Brig. Gen. Philip S.
Gage, anxious to please the powers that be, wrote to Patton: "Of course, I
know that even your extensive powers are limited, but I do hope that
wherever and whenever you can you will do what you can to make the
German populace suffer. For God's sake, please don't ever go soft in
regard to them. Nothing could ever be too bad for them."
But Patton continued to do what he thought was right, whenever he
could. With great reluctance, and only after repeated promptings from
Eisenhower, he had thrown German families out of their homes to make
room for more than a million Jewish DP's ‑‑ part of the famous "six
million" who had supposedly been gassed ‑‑ but he balked when ordered
to begin blowing up German factories, in accord with the infamous
Morgenthau Plan to destroy Germany's economic basis forever. In his
diary he wrote: "I doubted the expediency of blowing up factories,
because the ends for which the factories are being blown up ‑‑ that is,
preventing Germany from preparing for war ‑‑ can be equally well
attained through the destruction of their machinery, while the buildings
can be used to house thousands of homeless persons."
Similarly, he expressed his doubts to his military colleagues about the
overwhelming emphasis being placed on the persecution of every
German who had formerly been a member of the National Socialist party.
In a letter to his wife of September 14, 1945, he said: "I am frankly
opposed to this war criminal stuff . It is not cricket and is Semitic. I am
also opposed to sending POW's to work as slaves in foreign lands, where
many will be starved to death."
Despite his disagreement with official policy, Patton followed the rules
laid down by Morgenthau and others back in Washington as closely as his
conscience would allow, but he tried to moderate the effect, and this
brought him into increasing conflict with Eisenhower and the other
politically ambitious generals. In another letter to his wife he
commented: "I have been at Frankfurt for a civil government conference.
If what we are doing (to the Germans) is 'Liberty, then give me death.' I
can't see how Americans can sink so low. It is Semitic, and I am sure of
it."
And in his diary he noted:, "Today we received orders . . . in which we
were told to give the Jews special accommodations. If for Jews, why not
Catholics, Mormons, etc? . . . We are also turning over to the French
several hundred thousand prisoners of war to be used as slave labor in
France. It is amusing to recall that we fought the Revolution in defense of
the rights of man and the Civil War to abolish slavery and have now gone
back on both principles."
His duties as military governor took Patton to all parts of Germany and
intimately acquainted him with the German people and their condition.
He could not help but compare them with the French, the Italians, the
Belgians, and even the British. This comparison gradually forced him to
the conclusion that World War II had been fought against the wrong
people.
After a visit to ruined Berlin, he wrote his wife on July 21, 1945: "Berlin
gave me the blues. We have destroyed what could have been a good race,
and we are about to replace them with Mongolian savages. And all
Europe will be communist. It's said that for the first week after they took
it (Berlin), all women who ran were shot and those who did not were
raped. I could have taken it (instead of the Soviets) had I been allowed."
This conviction, that the politicians had used him and the U.S. Army for a
criminal purpose, grew in the following weeks. During a dinner with
French General Alphonse Juin in August, Patton was surprised to find the
Frenchman in agreement with him. His diary entry for August 18 quotes
Gen. Juin: "It is indeed unfortunate, mon General, that the English and
the Americans have destroyed in Europe the only sound country ‑‑ and I
do not mean France. Therefore, the road is now open for the advent of
Russian communism."
Later diary entries and letters to his wife reiterate this same conclusion.
On August 31 he wrote: "Actually, the Germans are the only decent
people left in Europe. it's a choice between them and the Russians. I
prefer the Germans." And on September 2: "What we are doing is to
destroy the only semi‑modern state in Europe, so that Russia can swallow
the whole."
By this time the Morgenthauists and media monopolists had decided
that Patton was incorrigible and must be discredited. So they began a
non‑stop hounding of him in the press, a la Watergate, accusing him of
being "soft on Nazis" and continually recalling an incident in which he
had slapped a shirker two years previously, during the Sicily campaign. A
New York newspaper printed the completely false claim that when Patton
had slapped the soldier who was Jewish, he had called him a "yellow‑
bellied Jew."
Then, in a press conference on September 22, reporters hatched a
scheme to needle Patton into losing his temper and making statements
which could be used against him. The scheme worked. The press
interpreted one of Patton's answers to their insistent questions as to why
he was not pressing the Nazi‑hunt hard enough as: "The Nazi thing is just
like a Democrat‑Republican fight." The New York Times headlined this
quote, and other papers all across America picked it up.
The unmistakable hatred which had been directed at him during this
press conference finally opened Patton's eyes fully as to what was afoot.
In his diary that night lie wrote: "There is a very apparent Semitic
influence in the press. They are trying to do two things: first, implement
communism, and second, see that all businessmen of German ancestry
and non‑Jewish antecedents are thrown out of their jobs. They have
utterly lost the Anglo‑Saxon conception of justice and feel that a man can
be kicked out because somebody else says he is a Nazi. They were
evidently quite shocked when I told them I would kick nobody out without
the successful proof of guilt before a court of law . . . Another point
which
the press harped on was the fact that we were doing too much for the
Germans to the detriment of the DP's, most of whom are Jews. I could not
give the answer to that one, because the answer is that, in my opinion
and that of most nonpolitical officers, it is vitally necessary for us to
build
Germany up now as a buffer state against Russia. In fact, I am afraid we
have waited too long."
And in a letter of the same date to his wife: "I will probably be in the
headlines before you get this, as the press is trying to quote me as being
more interested in restoring order in Germany than in catching Nazis. I
can't tell them the truth that unless we restore Germany we will insure
that communism takes America."
Eisenhower responded immediately to the press outcry against Patton
and made the decision to relieve him of his duties as military governor
and "kick him upstairs" as the commander of the Fifteenth Army. In a
letter to his wife on September 29, Patton indicated that he was, in a
way, not unhappy with his new assignment, because "I would like it much
better than being a sort of executioner to the best race in Europe."
But even his change of duties did not shut Patton up. In his diary entry of
October 1 we find the observation: "In thinking over the situation, I could
not but be impressed with the belief that at the present moment the
unblemished record of the American Army for non‑political activities is
about to be lost. Everyone seems to be more interested in the effects
which his actions will have on his political future than in carrying out the
motto of the United States Military Academy, 'Duty, Honor, Country.' I
hope that after the current crop of political aspirants has been gathered
our former tradition will be restored."
And Patton continued to express these sentiments to his friends ‑‑ and
those he thought were his friends. On October 22 he wrote a long letter to
Maj. Gen. James G. Harbord, who was back in the States. In the letter
Patton bitterly condemned the Morgenthau policy; Eisenhower's
pusillanimous behavior in the face of Jewish demands; the strong pro‑
Soviet bias in the press; and the politicization, corruption, degradation,
and demoralization of the U.S. Army which these things were causing.
He saw the demoralization of the Army as a deliberate goal of America's
enemies: "I have been just as furious as you at the compilation of lies
which the communist and Semitic elements of our government have
leveled against me and practically every other commander. In my opinion
it is a deliberate attempt to alienate the soldier vote from the
commanders, because the communists know that soldiers are not
communistic, and they fear what eleven million votes (of veterans) would
do."
His denunciation of the politicization of the Army was scathing: "All the
general officers in the higher brackets receive each morning from the War
Department a set of American (newspaper) headlines, and, with the sole
exception of myself, they guide themselves during the ensuing day by
what they have read in the papers. . . ."
In his letter to Harbord, Patton also revealed his own plans to fight those
who were destroying the morale and integrity of the Army and
endangering America's future by not opposing the growing Soviet might:
"It is my present thought . . . that when I finish this job, which will be
around the first of the year, I shall resign, not retire, because if I
retire I
will still have a gag in my mouth . . . I should not start a limited
counterattack, which would be contrary to my military theories, but
should wait until I can start an all‑out offensive . . . ."
Two months later, on December 23, 1945, General George S. Patton was
silenced forever.
This article originally appeared in Issue Number 53 of National Vanguard
Tabloid in 1977.
� 1999 National Vanguard Books � Box 330 � Hillsboro �WV 24946 � USA
Preserving your culture isn't hate. It's survival.
When a government has ceased to protect the lives,
liberty and property of the people, from whom it's
legitimate powers are derived, and for the
advancement of whose happiness it was instituted,
and, so far from being a guarantee for the enjoyment
of those inestimable and inalienable rights, becomes an
instrument in the hands of evil rulers for their oppression;...
‑‑THE TEXAS DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE, MARCH 2, 1836
"The beauty of the second amendment is that it will
not be needed until they try to take it."
‑‑Thomas Jefferson